NEH logo
[Return to Query]

Products for Grant FN-50009-06

FN-50009-06
Documenting Kikisi
Deogratias Ngonyani, Michigan State University

Grant details: https://securegrants.neh.gov/publicquery/main.aspx?f=1&gn=FN-50009-06

The subjunctive mood in Kikisi, Kindendeule and Chingoni (Article)
Title: The subjunctive mood in Kikisi, Kindendeule and Chingoni
Author: Deo Ngonyani
Abstract: In the Bantu languages of Kikisi, Kindendeule and Chingoni, the subjunctive is a grammatical category that stands in contrast with the indicative mood. Morphologically, the subjunctive is characterized by the verbal suffix –e (or some other variants), absence of tense marking, and the obligatory presence of the subject and/or object marker. Two types of subjunctive are illustrated (Quer 2005; Stowell 1993): (i) Intentional subjunctives that are triggered by matrix predicates, and (ii) polarity subjunctives that are licensed by some operator. The subjunctive is associated with irrealis-inducing environments such as irrealis-inducing adverbs and complements of manipulative verbs (Givón 1994). This paper argues that the subjunctive ambiguously exhibits Inflection or Tense features as well as COMP features. With respect to Inflection features, it is in complementary distribution with tense marking. However, it displays COMP features in its selectional relations with the superordinate volitional and directive predicates. This ambiguity is accounted for if we adopt Rizzi’s (1997) proposal of an articulated CP. The Inflection features are FinP features and the COMP features ForceP features all on the left periphery.
Year: 2013
Primary URL: http://journals.udsm.ac.tz/index.php/jlle
Access Model: Open access
Format: Journal
Periodical Title: Journal of Linguistics and Language in Education
Publisher: University of Dar es Salaam

Surrogate Imperatives in Bantu Languages with Postverbal Negative Particle (Book Section)
Title: Surrogate Imperatives in Bantu Languages with Postverbal Negative Particle
Author: Deo Ngonyani
Editor: ?lanik? ?la Orie and Karen W. Sanders
Abstract: Rivero (1994) makes a distinction between true imperatives (imperatives with unique morphology) and surrogate imperatives (imperatives that make use of the morphology of other moods or features). For negative commands, some languages use true imperative with negation and others use surrogate imperatives. Zejlstra (2004) attempts to capture this phenomenon in an interesting generalization, namely, that only languages in which the negative is X° impose a ban on true negative imperative. This paper reviews this generalization in the light of data from Tanzanian Bantu languages of Kikisi, Kindendeule, Chingoni, and Kimatuumbi, all of which have postverbal negative clitic and use surrogate negative. The particles are ndali (Kikisi), yee (Kindendeule), hee (Chingoni) and lí (Kimatuumbi). The data show that the negative particles exhibit distributional features of adverbs. This paper argues that the post-verbal position of the particle is a result of movement of the verb to a position higher than the adjunction position of the negative. As an adverb, it does not prevent the verb from moving across. This accounts for why in spite of being in post-verbal position, it takes scope over the preceding predicate. The languages in this study do not have a true negative imperative. The verb morphology used for imperative cannot combine with negation to express a negative command. Instead, a negative command is expressed by the prohibitive –somu (Kikisi), -koto (Kindendeule and Chingoni) ‘stop’ and –kotoka (Kimatuumbi) ‘do not do’ together with an infinitive form of the main verb. Kindendeule also allows an infinitive verb followed by the negative particle yee. The paper argues that the ban on negative imperative is due to the adjunction occurring too low to have scope over the illocutionary force in ForceP.
Year: 2013
Primary URL: http://www.lingref.com/cpp/acal/43/index.html
Access Model: Open
Publisher: Cascadilla Proceedings Project
Book Title: Selected Proceedings of the 43rd Annual Conference on African Linguistics: Linguistic Interfaces in African Languages
ISBN: 978-1-57473-46

Surrogate Imperatives in Bantu Languages with Postverbal Negative Particle (Conference Paper/Presentation)
Title: Surrogate Imperatives in Bantu Languages with Postverbal Negative Particle
Author: Deo Ngonyani
Abstract: Rivero (1994) makes a distinction between true imperatives (imperatives with unique morphology) and surrogate imperatives (imperatives that make use of the morphology of other moods or features). For negative commands, some languages use true imperative with negation and others use surrogate imperatives. Zejlstra (2004) attempts to capture this phenomenon in an interesting generalization, namely, that only languages in which the negative is X° impose a ban on true negative imperative. This paper reviews this generalization in the light of data from Tanzanian Bantu languages of Kikisi, Kindendeule, Chingoni, and Kimatuumbi, all of which have postverbal negative clitic and use surrogate negative. The particles are ndali (Kikisi), yee (Kindendeule), hee (Chingoni) and lí (Kimatuumbi). The data show that the negative particles exhibit distributional features of adverbs. This paper argues that the post-verbal position of the particle is a result of movement of the verb to a position higher than the adjunction position of the negative. As an adverb, it does not prevent the verb from moving across. This accounts for why in spite of being in post-verbal position, it takes scope over the preceding predicate. The languages in this study do not have a true negative imperative. The verb morphology used for imperative cannot combine with negation to express a negative command. Instead, a negative command is expressed by the prohibitive –somu (Kikisi), -koto (Kindendeule and Chingoni) ‘stop’ and –kotoka (Kimatuumbi) ‘do not do’ together with an infinitive form of the main verb. Kindendeule also allows an infinitive verb followed by the negative particle yee. The paper argues that the ban on negative imperative is due to the adjunction occurring too low to have scope over the illocutionary force in ForceP.
Date: 03/16/2012
Conference Name: 43rd Annual Conference on African Linguistics

Surrogate Imperatives in Bantu Languages with Postverbal Negative Particle (Conference Paper/Presentation)
Title: Surrogate Imperatives in Bantu Languages with Postverbal Negative Particle
Author: Deo Ngonyani
Abstract: In the Bantu languages of Kikisi (G67), Kiswahili (G42a), Kindendeule (N101) and Chingoni (N12), the subjunctive is a grammatical category that stands in contrast with the indicative mood. Morphologically, the subjunctive is characterized by the verbal suffix –e (or some other variants). Semantically, the subjunctive expresses irrealis and is therefore associated with irrealis-inducing environments such as irrealis-inducing adverbs and complements of manipulative verbs (Givón 1994). This paper describes the subjunctive in these languages and explores its morphosyntactic characteristics. Drawing on work by Quer (2006) and Stowell (1993), this paper identifies its distribution and its semantic features. It argues that the subjunctive ambiguously exhibits Inflection or Tense features as well as COMP features. With respect to Inflection features, it is in complementary distribution with tense marking. However, it displays COMP features in its selectional relations with the superordinate volitional and directive predicates. This ambiguity is accounted for if we adopt Rizzi’s (1997) proposal an of an articulated CP. The Inflection features are FinP features and the COMP features ForceP features all on the left periphery.
Date: 05/25/2012
Conference Name: 13th Workshop on the Languages of Tanzania

Property concepts in Kikisi (Conference Paper/Presentation)
Title: Property concepts in Kikisi
Author: Deo Ngonyani
Abstract: This paper presents a description of Kikisi expressions whose prototypical function is to modify nouns. Kikisi (G67), a Bantu language spoken in the southern highlands of Tanzania, has not been previously described. Thompson (1988) termed the expressions that modify nouns property concept words. The most well-studied property concept expressions are adjectives. However, adjectives as a lexical category is disputed by some as a universal category. The paper seeks to answer three questions: (a) How are property concepts expressed in Kikisi? (b) What morphosyntactic properties characterize adjectives? (c) How is gradation and intensification expressed? Following Dixon’s (2004) survey findings, Kikisi is identified as a language with a closed adjective class. Other property concepts are nominal in the form of associative structure and possessive form, and verbal property concepts in the form of finite relative and infinitival relatives. Intensification of property concepts is accomplished by the adverb nesu ‘very’ or specific ideophones. The comparative form is a periphrastic item that means ‘to surpass.’
Date: 08/20/2009
Conference Name: 6th World Congress of African Languages, Cologne, Germany

Demonstratives in Kikisi and Kindendeule (Conference Paper/Presentation)
Title: Demonstratives in Kikisi and Kindendeule
Author: Deo Ngonyani
Abstract: This is a study of demonstratives in Kikisi and Kindendeule, Bantu languages spoken in southern Tanzania. Kindendeule has five demonstratives and Kikisi has four. The demonstratives are based on spatial relations between the speaker, the addressee, and the object referred to. They may be proximal to the speaker, addressee or neutral. In addition the speaker may use medial or distal distinctions to point or refer to other objects. With respect to form, the demonstratives exhibit agreement with the head of the noun phrase, an agreement that appears in the form of reduplication. The same demonstrative forms appear in pronominal positions, in noun phrases, and as arguments in copula constructions. In addition there is an adverbial demonstrative naha ‘this/that way.’ The demonstratives have four different functions: (i) They provide deictic reference by pointing at the object referred to discourse; (ii) the medial demonstrative serves in addition as a marker of definiteness, very much like definite articles; (iii) they may occupy the pronoun positions; (iv) co-reference with antecedents as well as nominal or verbal expressions that appear after the demonstratives. The fact that what Diessel (1999) calls demonstrative pronouns, demonstrative determiner and demonstrative identifiers have the same form gives rise to the question of what is their categorial status. Also consider the fact that Kindendeule does not have 3rd person pronouns. However, demonstratives can function as third person pronouns. This study concludes that the distribution of demonstratives suggests they are determiners just like pronouns, consistent with a proposal dating back to Postal (1966).
Date: 04/20/2009
Conference Name: Annual Conference on African Linguistics, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign

Infinitival relatives in Bantu languages (Article)
Title: Infinitival relatives in Bantu languages
Author: Deo Ngonyani
Abstract: This article describes and analyzes the Bantu infinitival relative clause construction drawing on data from Kikisi and Kindendeule, Bantu languages spoken in southern Tanzania. Using movement and substitution diagnostics, we demonstrate that they are nominal constituents. Furthermore, we show that infinitival relatives share wh-movement features with finite relative clauses. These include a gap in the embedded construction, island effects and licensing of parasitic gaps. In addition, the construction exhibits other characteristics found in Bantu finite relative clauses, namely, verb-subject inversion in object relatives and resumption. The article addresses the question of head raising analysis revived by Kayne (1994). With evidence from idiom chunks and reconstruction, it is argued that the head of the infinitival relative is extracted from inside an infinitival clause. Finally, an analysis parallel to that of finite relative clauses is proposed. The proposed structure shows the associative occupying C and taking an infinitival TP as its complement.
Year: 2008
Access Model: Subscription
Format: Journal
Periodical Title: Languages of Tanzania Occassional Papers in Linguistics
Publisher: University of Dar es Salaam

The Subjunctive and the Left Periphery in Bantu (Conference Paper/Presentation)
Title: The Subjunctive and the Left Periphery in Bantu
Author: Deo Ngonyani
Abstract: In the Bantu languages of Kikisi, Kiswahili, Kindendeule and Chingoni, the subjunctive is a grammatical category that stands in contrast with the indicative mood. This contrast is exemplified in the following sentences with the verb kusoma ‘to read.’ (1) a. Juma a-na-som-a ki-tabu. Juma SM-PR-read-IND book ‘Juma is reading a book.’ b. Ni-na-tak-a Juma a-som-e ki-tabu. I-PR-want-IND Juma SM-read-SUBJ book ‘I want Juma to read a book.’ c. Juma a-som-e ki-tabu Juma SM-read-SUBJ book ‘Juma should read a book.’ Morphologically, the subjunctive is characterized by the verbal suffix –e (or some other variants), absence of tense marking, and the obligatory presence of the subject and/or object marker. Two types of subjunctive are illustrated (Quer 2005; Stowell 1993): (i) Intentional subjunctives that are triggered by matrix predicates (1b), and (ii) polarity subjunctives that are licensed by some operator (1c). The subjunctive ambiguously exhibits Inflection or Tense features as well as COMP features. With respect to Inflection features, it is in complementary distribution with tense marking. However, it displays COMP features in its selectional relations with the superordinate volitional and directive predicates. This ambiguity is accounted for if we adopt Rizzi’s (1997) proposal of articulated CP. The Inflection features are FinP features and the COMP features ForceP features.
Date: 06/12/2011
Conference Name: 42nd Annual Conference on African Linguistics, University of Maryland


Permalink: https://securegrants.neh.gov/publicquery/products.aspx?gn=FN-50009-06